Some hope Li's youth, when he studied western legal traditions and befriended radical thinkers, has made him open to reform
When Li Keqiang walks into the annual premier's press conference on Sunday, following his formal appointment on Friday , one scholar will be watching especially eagerly.
"This is a rare chance for a Chinese leader to show his personal style. Even Chinese people are waiting to see what he will say in this event," said Chen Ziming.
If his hopes for a glimpse of the true Li seem optimistic, they are also highly personal. Thirty years ago, both men were student idealists, and friends.
Since then Li has climbed to the pinnacle of power through years of loyal party service, and has grasped the helm of the world's second largest economy. Meanwhile, Chen weathered 13 years of jail and house arrest due to his role in the 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy protests.
Some hope the influence of Li's salad days, when he studied western legal traditions and befriended radical thinkers, have made him more open to reform than other leaders. Others see his very success and the patronage of former president Hu Jintao as evidence that he has little appetite for challenging the status quo.
As premier, Li "is in effect chief operating officer to Xi Jinping's chief executive", said Steve Tsang of Nottingham University – but his relationships and his ability to leverage them will determine what he can achieve in the role.
Western diplomats and business people have warmed to the 57-year-old, thanks to his confident English and intellectual breadth. He has a degree in law and a doctorate in economics; his wife is an English professor and their daughter is thought to be a postgraduate student in the US.
In a 2007 diplomatic cable obtained by Wikileaks, the then US ambassador described him as engaging, well-informed and humorous; coy about his hobbies and interests even at their private dinner, but frank in describing Chinese GDP figures as "man-made" and unreliable.
"He has an obvious sharp intelligence. He talks in quite a clipped way; he responds to things quickly," observed Kerry Brown, a China specialist at the University of Sydney.
Li did not enjoy the privileged background of "princelings" such as Xi; his father was a mid-ranking cadre in Anhui province. What they share are years of hard labour as "sent down youth" in the latter stages of the Cultural Revolution, when Li worked in the extremely poor county of Fengyang.
Yang Baikui, another former friend and scholar, portrays it as a formative experience: "Without having worked in the countryside, they would have a gap in their understanding of what China is.
"When you watch him on the news, you can see he's one of the people."
When universities reopened, Li secured a place at Peking University through the fiercely contested entrance exams. It was not only an elite institution, but a notably liberal one.
A key influence was Gong Xiangrui, a law professor who tasked Li and Yang with translating an English textbook on constitutional law by Lord Denning.
But while Li was intellectually voracious and highly active in student life, he was more cautious than his contemporaries.
"His thinking was very open. But his behaviour was very prudent," said Yang.
Wang Juntao, another former friend jailed over the 1989 protests and now living in the United States, said peers expected Li to become a senior leader: "From a very early age he showed he wanted to contribute to the public interest."
After university, Li forged his crucial relationship with Hu Jintao while working for the Communist Youth League. By 1998 he was the country's youngest governor, in central Henan province, later becoming party secretary. But a spate of fatal blazes earned him the nickname "three fires Li" and activists are still angered by his handling of the blood-selling scandal that left tens of thousands of farmers infected with HIV. Though the problems began before his time, "he should be held responsible for the cover-up from 1998 to 2002 when thousands of people died in silence ... He is not honest and direct," said Wan Yanhai, an Aids activist now living in the US.
In 2004, Li took over north-eastern Liaoning, moving back to Beijing in 2007. Some thought he might succeed Hu, but instead he was lined up as future premier.
Some reformers draw hope from his endorsement of last year's China 2030 report from the World Bank and a top state research centre, which called for substantial financial, economic and social changes.
But Tsang said Li has shown little interest in issues such as rule of law; and more generally, throughout his career, "I haven't noticed him pushing the boundaries ... He seems more to have asserted his technocratic competence and has revealed a Teflon side to his political skills."
What the new premier believes deep down is not the real issue, said Wang.
"He wants to keep his place in the party system so he has to hide himself; it doesn't matter whether he is keeping it for himself, his family, his influence on history or the public interest," he said.
"Secondly, even if he wants to do good things, he can't get rid of the party and the interest groups. They control all the opportunities and resources.
"I don't think he has changed in his heart. But I don't think he has a chance to become a good official. The party and government are too corrupt." Reported by guardian.co.uk 7 hours ago.
When Li Keqiang walks into the annual premier's press conference on Sunday, following his formal appointment on Friday , one scholar will be watching especially eagerly.
"This is a rare chance for a Chinese leader to show his personal style. Even Chinese people are waiting to see what he will say in this event," said Chen Ziming.
If his hopes for a glimpse of the true Li seem optimistic, they are also highly personal. Thirty years ago, both men were student idealists, and friends.
Since then Li has climbed to the pinnacle of power through years of loyal party service, and has grasped the helm of the world's second largest economy. Meanwhile, Chen weathered 13 years of jail and house arrest due to his role in the 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy protests.
Some hope the influence of Li's salad days, when he studied western legal traditions and befriended radical thinkers, have made him more open to reform than other leaders. Others see his very success and the patronage of former president Hu Jintao as evidence that he has little appetite for challenging the status quo.
As premier, Li "is in effect chief operating officer to Xi Jinping's chief executive", said Steve Tsang of Nottingham University – but his relationships and his ability to leverage them will determine what he can achieve in the role.
Western diplomats and business people have warmed to the 57-year-old, thanks to his confident English and intellectual breadth. He has a degree in law and a doctorate in economics; his wife is an English professor and their daughter is thought to be a postgraduate student in the US.
In a 2007 diplomatic cable obtained by Wikileaks, the then US ambassador described him as engaging, well-informed and humorous; coy about his hobbies and interests even at their private dinner, but frank in describing Chinese GDP figures as "man-made" and unreliable.
"He has an obvious sharp intelligence. He talks in quite a clipped way; he responds to things quickly," observed Kerry Brown, a China specialist at the University of Sydney.
Li did not enjoy the privileged background of "princelings" such as Xi; his father was a mid-ranking cadre in Anhui province. What they share are years of hard labour as "sent down youth" in the latter stages of the Cultural Revolution, when Li worked in the extremely poor county of Fengyang.
Yang Baikui, another former friend and scholar, portrays it as a formative experience: "Without having worked in the countryside, they would have a gap in their understanding of what China is.
"When you watch him on the news, you can see he's one of the people."
When universities reopened, Li secured a place at Peking University through the fiercely contested entrance exams. It was not only an elite institution, but a notably liberal one.
A key influence was Gong Xiangrui, a law professor who tasked Li and Yang with translating an English textbook on constitutional law by Lord Denning.
But while Li was intellectually voracious and highly active in student life, he was more cautious than his contemporaries.
"His thinking was very open. But his behaviour was very prudent," said Yang.
Wang Juntao, another former friend jailed over the 1989 protests and now living in the United States, said peers expected Li to become a senior leader: "From a very early age he showed he wanted to contribute to the public interest."
After university, Li forged his crucial relationship with Hu Jintao while working for the Communist Youth League. By 1998 he was the country's youngest governor, in central Henan province, later becoming party secretary. But a spate of fatal blazes earned him the nickname "three fires Li" and activists are still angered by his handling of the blood-selling scandal that left tens of thousands of farmers infected with HIV. Though the problems began before his time, "he should be held responsible for the cover-up from 1998 to 2002 when thousands of people died in silence ... He is not honest and direct," said Wan Yanhai, an Aids activist now living in the US.
In 2004, Li took over north-eastern Liaoning, moving back to Beijing in 2007. Some thought he might succeed Hu, but instead he was lined up as future premier.
Some reformers draw hope from his endorsement of last year's China 2030 report from the World Bank and a top state research centre, which called for substantial financial, economic and social changes.
But Tsang said Li has shown little interest in issues such as rule of law; and more generally, throughout his career, "I haven't noticed him pushing the boundaries ... He seems more to have asserted his technocratic competence and has revealed a Teflon side to his political skills."
What the new premier believes deep down is not the real issue, said Wang.
"He wants to keep his place in the party system so he has to hide himself; it doesn't matter whether he is keeping it for himself, his family, his influence on history or the public interest," he said.
"Secondly, even if he wants to do good things, he can't get rid of the party and the interest groups. They control all the opportunities and resources.
"I don't think he has changed in his heart. But I don't think he has a chance to become a good official. The party and government are too corrupt." Reported by guardian.co.uk 7 hours ago.