Chinese cyber-investigators find exposure on social media can protect them from the corrupt officials they seek to uncover
Days into his new mandate as Communist party chief and before his ratification as the new president of the People's Republic, Xi Jinping declared that one of his key concerns would be the fight against corruption "under the people's supervision". Neither the "tigers" (bigwig party leaders) or the "flies" (low-ranking cadres) would be spared.
Citizen journalists have taken the lead in tracking down corruption and posting their findings on the internet and on Weibo, the Chinese microblogging site. Zhou Lubao, 28, is an active cyber-investigator. When not tracking down corruption he is a household appliance sales rep in a coastal city of China.
Zhou became interested in the mayor of Lanzhou, the capital of Gansu province in the summer of 2012. At the time Zhou was protesting about the sentencing of Chen Pingfu, a Lanzhou blogger accused of "inciting subversion"– a serious charge in China. Chen was finally released in December in a rare victory for free speech. Trawling through the internet, Zhou observed that in official photographs the mayor could be seen wearing five different luxury watches.
Using a technique that had already led to the demotion of an official in Shaanxi, Zhou posted his discovery on Weibo and other online forums. The scandal was picked up by the media. The official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, even published an article entitled, "China's craze for online anti-corruption".
Meanwhile Zhou had obtained other information about the mayor's conduct, including the loan of a substantial amount of public money to a female student when he was the director of the university, and contracts awarded to a construction owned by his wife as part of the massive New Lanzhou Area development project. Yet despite the public outcry, nothing was done.
In February, Zhou went to Lanzhou himself to submit a petition to the provincial public prosecutor. The prosecutor was forewarned and Zhou narrowly escaped arrest. He fled to Xining, in the neighbouring province of Qinghai. But during Chinese New Year he tweeted "We must eliminate that old cancer, Zhou Yongkang", referring to a former member of the party's standing committee in charge of security. Zhou's Weibo accounts were promptly closed and the internet buzzed with rumours that he had been sent to a labour camp for re-education.
On 22 February, Zhou resurfaced, describing what had happened to him in his blog before returning to Lanzhou to continue his investigations: "I don't think they'll dare to arrest me because of the all the internet mobilisation," he said in a telephone interview. "They would have to prove that I've committed a crime, but I'm out in the open. They are the ones working in the shadows. But who knows, they may catch me right after this call!" And he added, "When young people like me fight corruption, we are also claiming our rights and showing there is still hope in our society."
That faith is shared by another anti-corruption fighter, 43-year-old Zhu Ruifeng, who set up a website called renmin jiandu wang (the people's supervision network). Ever since the sensational "sex videogate" affair in Chongqing made Zhu famous in the autumn of 2012, he has given many interviews to both foreign and Chinese media to protect himself. That scandal concerned a video of Lei Zhengfu, a district party secretary, having sex with an 18-year-old woman; it led to him being sacked along with a dozen other local cadres.
The event was filmed secretly in 2007 by a blackmailer who paid young women to seduce officials and obtained lucrative public construction contracts in return for his silence. Lei Zhengfu finally went to Chongqing's police chief, Wang Lijun, for help. Wang promptly put the blackmailer behind bars and recovered 50 more compromising videos.
Zhu had obtained the tape from a Chongqing police officer who was disgusted that the affair was hushed up despite Wang Lijun's fall last year, when he took refuge in the US consulate after being implicated in another, far bigger scandal involving his superior, Chongqing party secretary Bo Xilai.
Zhu acquired six more videos from the same policeman. Last January, he prevented the Chongqing police from confiscating them at his home in Beijing by calling the press. He claims to have copies in safe places. "It's the first time in history that 11 cadres have fallen in one go. I want to let things calm down and see if the authorities do their job," he said in the north Beijing bookstore he uses as headquarters.
The question is, will the new Chinese president keep his word or will this populist "opening up" end in widespread repression, as has so often happened in the past?
"Intellectuals and civil society demand meaningful political reforms, not just little amendments," explained Teng Biao, a lawyer and major player in the Chinese civil society movement, who was imprisoned and tortured in 2011. "But change won't come from the top leadership. They have no intention of giving up their privileges and immense power. Only pressure from civil society will make them change."
Meanwhile, the cyber-investigators continue their work. "Sometimes I wonder how they will have me killed. Perhaps a car accident or a murder … But I'm not afraid. We have to fight this, even if I pay the price," said Gao Qinrong after posting revelations about a family of crooked cadres in Yuncheng, a town in Shanxi province.
This 57-year-old former journalist knows what he's talking about. In 1998 his paper, the Shanxi Youth Daily, exposed a fake irrigation project in Yuncheng that had siphoned off millions in public money. He was kidnapped in Beijing by the Yuncheng police and jailed on a trumped-up charge. His informer, a Shanxi cadre based in Beijing, was also imprisoned. When he was released seven years later he was beaten up now uses a wheel chair.
Gao continues to fight and he believes that the climate has changed: "The Chinese media are freer now and their reports support mine, which proves that they have not been censored." And he concluded, "Perhaps the Chinese people have finally found their weapon: the computer mouse!"
• This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le Monde Reported by guardian.co.uk 8 hours ago.
Days into his new mandate as Communist party chief and before his ratification as the new president of the People's Republic, Xi Jinping declared that one of his key concerns would be the fight against corruption "under the people's supervision". Neither the "tigers" (bigwig party leaders) or the "flies" (low-ranking cadres) would be spared.
Citizen journalists have taken the lead in tracking down corruption and posting their findings on the internet and on Weibo, the Chinese microblogging site. Zhou Lubao, 28, is an active cyber-investigator. When not tracking down corruption he is a household appliance sales rep in a coastal city of China.
Zhou became interested in the mayor of Lanzhou, the capital of Gansu province in the summer of 2012. At the time Zhou was protesting about the sentencing of Chen Pingfu, a Lanzhou blogger accused of "inciting subversion"– a serious charge in China. Chen was finally released in December in a rare victory for free speech. Trawling through the internet, Zhou observed that in official photographs the mayor could be seen wearing five different luxury watches.
Using a technique that had already led to the demotion of an official in Shaanxi, Zhou posted his discovery on Weibo and other online forums. The scandal was picked up by the media. The official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, even published an article entitled, "China's craze for online anti-corruption".
Meanwhile Zhou had obtained other information about the mayor's conduct, including the loan of a substantial amount of public money to a female student when he was the director of the university, and contracts awarded to a construction owned by his wife as part of the massive New Lanzhou Area development project. Yet despite the public outcry, nothing was done.
In February, Zhou went to Lanzhou himself to submit a petition to the provincial public prosecutor. The prosecutor was forewarned and Zhou narrowly escaped arrest. He fled to Xining, in the neighbouring province of Qinghai. But during Chinese New Year he tweeted "We must eliminate that old cancer, Zhou Yongkang", referring to a former member of the party's standing committee in charge of security. Zhou's Weibo accounts were promptly closed and the internet buzzed with rumours that he had been sent to a labour camp for re-education.
On 22 February, Zhou resurfaced, describing what had happened to him in his blog before returning to Lanzhou to continue his investigations: "I don't think they'll dare to arrest me because of the all the internet mobilisation," he said in a telephone interview. "They would have to prove that I've committed a crime, but I'm out in the open. They are the ones working in the shadows. But who knows, they may catch me right after this call!" And he added, "When young people like me fight corruption, we are also claiming our rights and showing there is still hope in our society."
That faith is shared by another anti-corruption fighter, 43-year-old Zhu Ruifeng, who set up a website called renmin jiandu wang (the people's supervision network). Ever since the sensational "sex videogate" affair in Chongqing made Zhu famous in the autumn of 2012, he has given many interviews to both foreign and Chinese media to protect himself. That scandal concerned a video of Lei Zhengfu, a district party secretary, having sex with an 18-year-old woman; it led to him being sacked along with a dozen other local cadres.
The event was filmed secretly in 2007 by a blackmailer who paid young women to seduce officials and obtained lucrative public construction contracts in return for his silence. Lei Zhengfu finally went to Chongqing's police chief, Wang Lijun, for help. Wang promptly put the blackmailer behind bars and recovered 50 more compromising videos.
Zhu had obtained the tape from a Chongqing police officer who was disgusted that the affair was hushed up despite Wang Lijun's fall last year, when he took refuge in the US consulate after being implicated in another, far bigger scandal involving his superior, Chongqing party secretary Bo Xilai.
Zhu acquired six more videos from the same policeman. Last January, he prevented the Chongqing police from confiscating them at his home in Beijing by calling the press. He claims to have copies in safe places. "It's the first time in history that 11 cadres have fallen in one go. I want to let things calm down and see if the authorities do their job," he said in the north Beijing bookstore he uses as headquarters.
The question is, will the new Chinese president keep his word or will this populist "opening up" end in widespread repression, as has so often happened in the past?
"Intellectuals and civil society demand meaningful political reforms, not just little amendments," explained Teng Biao, a lawyer and major player in the Chinese civil society movement, who was imprisoned and tortured in 2011. "But change won't come from the top leadership. They have no intention of giving up their privileges and immense power. Only pressure from civil society will make them change."
Meanwhile, the cyber-investigators continue their work. "Sometimes I wonder how they will have me killed. Perhaps a car accident or a murder … But I'm not afraid. We have to fight this, even if I pay the price," said Gao Qinrong after posting revelations about a family of crooked cadres in Yuncheng, a town in Shanxi province.
This 57-year-old former journalist knows what he's talking about. In 1998 his paper, the Shanxi Youth Daily, exposed a fake irrigation project in Yuncheng that had siphoned off millions in public money. He was kidnapped in Beijing by the Yuncheng police and jailed on a trumped-up charge. His informer, a Shanxi cadre based in Beijing, was also imprisoned. When he was released seven years later he was beaten up now uses a wheel chair.
Gao continues to fight and he believes that the climate has changed: "The Chinese media are freer now and their reports support mine, which proves that they have not been censored." And he concluded, "Perhaps the Chinese people have finally found their weapon: the computer mouse!"
• This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le Monde Reported by guardian.co.uk 8 hours ago.